Saudi Arabia remains one of the most important overseas destinations for U.S. expats and private contractors supporting defense, infrastructure, aviation, energy, logistics, and major development projects. While it is not a combat-zone contracting market, it continues to offer steady opportunities for Americans working in technical, operational, and support roles tied to the Kingdom’s long-term growth and modernization efforts.
Unlike Iraq or Afghanistan, contractors in Saudi Arabia are generally not operating in expeditionary environments. Most work is tied to large cities, industrial hubs, military support programs, aviation operations, energy infrastructure, and major government-backed projects.
Key locations include:
Riyadh – Headquarters, advisory work, defense-related business, IT, and program management
Eastern Province – Engineering, industrial support, aviation, oil and gas, and logistics roles around Dhahran, Dammam, and Al Khobar
Jeddah – Commercial, logistics, and infrastructure-related work tied to western Saudi Arabia
NEOM and giga-project zones – Construction, project controls, telecommunications, facilities, and development support roles
Most contractor activity is tied to infrastructure, maintenance, logistics, systems support, training, project execution, and technical operations rather than combat missions.
“Contractors in Saudi Arabia are typically supporting infrastructure, aviation, logistics, maintenance, engineering, communications, and program management requirements. Common roles include project managers, mechanics, IT specialists, logisticians, construction personnel, facilities staff, and technical support professionals working across defense-adjacent and commercial sectors.” — POC
What Daily Life Is Actually Like
For many U.S. expats and contractors, life is more structured than in combat zones but more restrictive than in places like the Philippines or parts of Europe. Depending on the employer and assignment, workers may live in company housing, apartments, or expat compounds with varying levels of security and amenities.
Housing: Often employer-arranged, usually in apartments, villas, or gated expat compounds
Food: Mix of on-site dining, grocery delivery, and local or international restaurants depending on location
Movement: Generally more freedom than high-threat contracting locations, but still shaped by employer policy, local law, and regional security conditions
The environment feels more like a long-term overseas work assignment than a deployment, but it still requires adaptation, professionalism, and cultural awareness.
Contract Terms Matter More Here
Saudi Arabia is heavily employer-driven when it comes to expat life. Sponsorship, residency paperwork, travel permissions, housing support, medical coverage, and transportation are often tied directly to the employer.
That means Americans considering these assignments need to pay close attention to:
housing coverage
transportation
medical care
leave rotation
end-of-service benefits
exit terms
family support, if applicable
Saudi Arabia is still a serious market for U.S. contractors and expats, but it is best suited for professionals in logistics, engineering, aviation, maintenance, IT, construction, and program support rather than people expecting a traditional combat-zone environment.
Private military contractors refer to corporations whose mandate is to offer military services, including maintenance, strategic planning, procurement, intelligence collection, training, logistical support, and combat operations. Besides, they provide many essential services such as support services, security services, and protection of multinational economic interests in hostile regions. There is a rapid growth of private military companies globally due to increased demand for services that relate to war or conflict.
Growing instability and globalization are critical factors that led to continuous changes in the warfare environment, which provide market opportunities for private military companies. The private military industry earns billions of dollars from various specialized operations conducted in more than a hundred countries worldwide. These companies play a vital role in international affairs globally.
Security Gap
The world order shifted once the Cold War-era confrontation ended. In a new order, where two mighty powers moved backward toward their borders, a variety of fresh challenges popped up, including failed states, terror groups, or revived spats, so far somehow settled by imperial partners. Each of these never-before-seen stimuli has carved out a sweet spot for PMCs that won room for maneuver. In the aftermath of the 1990s reshuffles, a huge number of discharged soldiers appeared on the market, while the vast Cold War stocks offered a great deal of military hardware. PMCs got human resources and relatively cheap and widely available military equipment. The United States has not left the emerging security gap unanswered –through privatizing support services for its armed forces, including logistics, security, infrastructure, or IT solutions, Washington propped up its ability to project its armaments might virtually everywhere around the globe. Meanwhile, private military companies built their status on solid foundations, thus stepping up their position in the global market. The U.S. market has morphed into its top host, while its influence stretches worldwide. With the powerlessness of the United Nations, PMCs started getting bolder proposals to step into a variety of new armed conflicts.
Globalization and reshuffles in the world economic order
An increase in trade exchange widened chasms between state actors instead of closing them, while the propensity to engage in risky behaviors was boosted, with a surge in violence in strategically important parts of the world, chiefly Muslim-dominated countries. Private military guards worked to shield mines and related infrastructure, safeguard large corporate interests, and offer training programs to local warlords. With globalization efforts, local state authorities grew weaker, eventually relying heavily on access to foreign-made military hardware, paving the way for further expansion of the high-tech privatized military industry.
New ways of warfare
Warfare relies upon several technologies, a domain where not all governments have a clear advantage over non-governmental bodies. In spheres like microelectronics, programming, biotechnology, or data acquisition, civilian companies have a great advantage over their military peers, with their employees being far better prepared. The growing importance of both high-tech and financial engineering solutions enables even small companies to run warfare campaigns. Most of the information systems used by the world’s armed forces are developed by civilians, mainly for civilian purposes, and make extensive use of the civilian information infrastructure. The Revolution in Military Affairs, or RMA, is a major change like warfare brought about by the innovative application of new information technologies that create a multiplicative rise in the lethality and mobility of munitions, and allow one side to gain an information advantage over another. Furthermore, with the deterrent factor of nuclear technology and the continuous news media coverage, warfare loses momentum. This environment is favorable for new combat missions that yet exhibit a great deal of diversity.
The privatization revolution
Privatization efforts surged globally following the demise of the Soviet Union. Furthermore, after the mere concept of a command economy collapsed, and the whole centrally planned system collapsed with it, the market system no longer felt pressure to admit state actors. Meanwhile, the macroeconomic policy of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) sustained fair conditions for exploiting the competitive advantage of industrialized economies. In consequence, global corporate businesses felt compelled to shield their foreign assets, often by hiring highly specialized private military firms.
A newly surfaced federal lawsuit is reigniting one of the most controversial allegations to emerge from the war in Yemen—that a team of American military veterans was recruited to carry out targeted assassinations on behalf of the United Arab Emirates.
At the center of the case is Anssaf Ali Mayo, a Yemeni politician who claims he was the target of a December 2015 assassination attempt in Aden. His lawsuit alleges that a privately run U.S. team—made up of former elite operators—was deployed to eliminate political figures under the guise of counterterrorism.
According to court filings, the American team was handed a “23-man hit list” shortly after arriving in Yemen. The list reportedly included names and photographs of individuals identified as targets.
The lawsuit claims the list was provided by a uniformed Emirati officer, suggesting direct state involvement. Earlier investigative reporting—most notably by BuzzFeed News—described a nearly identical detail: a set of “23 cards,” each containing a face, name, and limited intelligence on the target.
While the exact circumstances of the handoff differ between accounts, the consistency of the “23 targets” claim across sources has become a focal point of the case.
The Team Behind the Operation
The lawsuit names several former U.S. servicemen, including Abraham Golan, Isaac Gilmore, and Dale Comstock. The group is alleged to have operated under a private entity known as Spear Operations Group.
According to the complaint, the operation was structured as a paid contract, with the team receiving roughly $1.5 million per month, plus bonuses tied to successful killings.
Golan has previously been quoted in media reports acknowledging the existence of a “targeted assassination program” in Yemen, though the legal implications of those statements remain unresolved.
The Attempt in Aden
The first mission, according to the lawsuit, targeted Mayo at a political party office in Aden. The plan allegedly involved detonating explosives to kill everyone inside, followed by small-arms fire to eliminate survivors.
Mayo survived the attack and later fled the country.
His legal team argues the operation was not a lawful military action but an attempted extrajudicial killing—potentially constituting a war crime under international law.
A War Within a War
The allegations unfold against the backdrop of Yemen’s complex civil war, where regional powers—including the UAE—have conducted counterterrorism operations against extremist groups.
The UAE has denied wrongdoing, maintaining that its actions in Yemen were conducted legally and in coordination with allied governments. Officials have consistently framed their role as part of broader counterterrorism efforts, not political repression.
However, human rights organizations and investigative reports have long raised concerns about the use of proxy forces, secret detention sites, and targeted killings in southern Yemen.
Legal and Strategic Implications
The lawsuit, filed in a U.S. federal court, raises serious legal questions:
Can U.S. citizens be held liable for participating in foreign-directed assassination programs?
Did the operation violate U.S. laws governing military services abroad?
Were the targets legitimate combatants—or political opponents?
If proven, the case could expose a gray zone in modern warfare: the outsourcing of lethal operations to private actors operating across national lines.
It also underscores a broader trend in global conflict—the increasing role of private military contractors in missions that blur the line between warfare, intelligence, and covert action.
What Comes Next
For now, the allegations remain just that—claims laid out in a civil complaint, not yet tested in court. The defendants are expected to challenge both the facts and the jurisdiction of the case.
But regardless of the legal outcome, the story has already reopened a deeper conversation about accountability in modern conflict—particularly when state power, private contractors, and covert operations intersect.
In Yemen, where the lines of war have long been blurred, this lawsuit suggests there may have been another layer entirely: a shadow campaign where names were handed over, and missions began before the world ever knew they existed.
